Navigating Citizenship: Idealistic Concept or Imperative Implementation?

Muhammad Al-Sukkari, December 28, 2021

With the start of the Arab Spring movements, new discussions emerged about citizenship and the ideas linked to the core principles of the social contract, which form the basis of the aspirations for modern democratic nations in the region.

These discussions often turned into debates within societies between those who support certain concepts and those who oppose them, arguing that they don’t align with the region’s culture. In Syria, where such debates were particularly intense, some people feel that the proposed concept of citizenship is not suitable. They have concerns that it’s too idealistic and unachievable due to the differences between individuals, both mentally and physically.

In fact, this ongoing discussion is not a recent development; it’s a philosophical discourse dating back to ancient times, even predating Christ. Its origins can be traced to the “Stoic School” of ancient Greece, which introduced the idea of “cosmopolitan” citizenship, advocating for a global sense of belonging. This philosophical school posited that humanity shares a common societal bond based on universal moral principles and mutual respect for diverse beliefs, fostering a sense of global citizenship.

Nonetheless, numerous philosophers dismissed this notion as overly idealistic and impractical. However, Jean-Jacques Rousseau revisited the concept and elaborated on it in his work “The Perpetual Peace Project.” In this book, he aimed to render the idea of citizenship more feasible by proposing that nations worldwide adopt a unified “republican” state structure and cultivate friendly relations through promoting trade and temporary mutual residency.

In this context, Jean-Jacques Rousseau proposed a somewhat practical thesis. In his book “The Origin of Inequality among People,” he explored the issue of inequality among individuals and suggested various methods for mitigating it through social contracts, the concept of citizenship, and what he termed the “general will,” which is influenced by education. However, Gustave Le Bon disagreed with Rousseau’s notion, arguing that education alone cannot elevate the awareness levels of groups or individuals. Therefore, achieving equal societies in terms of physical and mental capabilities, except in emergencies, is challenging. This underscores the necessity for such measures, potentially impeding progress toward the desired state of civil society, whether on a local or global scale.

The necessity emphasized by Le Bon could serve as a pathway to realizing citizenship in post-Arab Spring nations. While challenging in theory, this notion echoes beliefs held by proponents of the Inquisition and absolute theocratic monarchy during the Age of Enlightenment in Europe prior to the Treaty of Westphalia. This treaty laid the groundwork for the establishment of nation-states, as evidenced by the transformation of first-world countries into regional entities by the mid-1920s, transcending local citizenship. An example of this is the European Union, despite the significant intellectual, religious, and national differences across Europe.

The attempt to adopt a dual model of citizenship, seen in various regions worldwide, led the Arab world to implement similar frameworks with the establishment of the Arab League and later the Gulf Cooperation Council. However, these initiatives fell short of desired success due to the absence of what’s known as “participatory local citizenship.” Without a solid foundation based on universal citizenship, projects aiming to transcend local citizenship boundaries face significant challenges. Dictatorships in the region often relied on a notion of “national citizenship” grounded in ethnicity rather than democracy, making achieving this goal even more difficult. This challenge persists even within sovereign states, requiring the center to engage with various political, social, economic, and legal stakeholders, emphasizing power-sharing based on citizenship rather than quotas.

In reality, the initial focus in overthrowing dictatorships in the region, particularly in Syria, should be on defining national identity and its fundamental principles without bias. While some principles have been proposed, they remain contentious. Therefore, any proposal should consider the shared components among Syria’s various sects and nationalities, as well as the intellectual shifts occurring among Syrian citizens during the ongoing revolution. It’s crucial to avoid dialectics and prioritize a contract that meets the needs of the Syrian people. Building a state of citizenship, often seen as a “dream state,” is essential and shouldn’t remain merely ideal, as it is a necessity for the Syrian people.

Undoubtedly, when Syria experiences transformation, there will be a significant opportunity to spread democracy and citizenship to neighboring countries, challenging entrenched totalitarian regimes. This may either prompt their downfall or compel them to enact political reforms, as some countries in the region are already undertaking in anticipation of potential sudden shifts in power.